As Uganda moves deeper into the 2026 general elections, civil society organisations (CSOs), human rights defenders, faith leaders, cultural institutions, and ordinary voters are increasingly warning that the country is heading into a high-stakes political contest under a cloud of fear, exclusion, and shrinking democratic space.
From bustling urban centres to remote rural communities, concerns are mounting over political intimidation, unequal participation, monetised politics, and the systematic marginalisation of women, youth, and persons with disabilities (PWDs).
With memories of past violent elections still fresh, many Ugandans fear that unless urgent reforms are undertaken, the country risks repeating a familiar cycle of contested outcomes, human rights violations, and weakened public trust in democratic institutions.
At the heart of these concerns is what civil society leaders describe as a steadily constricted operating environment, limiting the ability of citizen-led organisations to support credible and inclusive elections.
Dr Bireete Sarah, founding partner and Executive Director of the Centre for Constitutional Governance (CCG), says Uganda’s civic space has significantly regressed over the past few years, a trend now intensifying as the 2026 elections draw closer.
“There is a squeeze on the environment and the funding base, which technically closes the work of civil society actors in the country,” Dr Bireete says.
She explains that even organisations formally accredited to work on elections face serious limitations in financing, access, and operational freedom. Bireete highlights that restrictive regulations, increased surveillance, delayed approvals, and the intimidation of activists have made it difficult for CSOs to conduct voter education, election observation, and human rights monitoring functions, which are essential to credible elections.
Uganda’s ranking on global civic space indices reinforces these fears. In 2024, the country was listed among nations experiencing regressed civic space, indicating that citizens are finding it increasingly difficult to engage freely in governance, whether through political parties, civic organisations, or individual activism.
While Uganda’s constitutional and legal frameworks provide for the representation of women, youth, and PWDs, Dr Bireete argues that much of this inclusion is largely symbolic.
“On paper, women, youth, and persons with disabilities are represented. centren practice, many, especially those outside the ruling party, struggle to access any meaningful support,” she says.
She points to the politicisation of electoral colleges, excessive use of money, and growing involvement of the security sector as key distortions of the democratic process.
Among the reforms she proposes are removing the army from partisan politics, as envisioned under Article 204 of the Constitution, regulating campaign financing to curb vote-buying, and establishing clear legal frameworks governing electoral technologies.
“We need credible reforms so that we have a genuinely free and fair election, not just one that looks peaceful on the surface,” she insists.
Not only calling for reforms, civil society leaders are also calling for stronger safeguards to protect women’s political participation and prevent gender-based barriers as Uganda approaches the 2025–2026 elections as Charity Ahimbisibwe, Executive Director of the Electoral Laws and Governance Institute, warns of potential challenges in the electoral process, cautioning that the increasing number of candidates could lead to ballot production errors, confusing voters and undermining the credibility of the polls.
Ahimbisibwe emphasises that elections must be free, fair, and credible, as provided under Article 61 of the Constitution. She explains that freedom is closely tied to freedom of expression, allowing citizens to voice opinions, exchange ideas freely, and participate in politics without fear, regardless of political affiliation.
She notes that the credibility of elections depends on transparency, particularly access to information for all participants noting that many special interest group elections, including those for youth, elders, and women, suffer from low participation due to limited public awareness, with female youth elections seeing participation rates as low as 0.2 percent, largely because of poor dissemination of information about the electoral college system, which begins at the village level and progresses upwards.
On women’s representation, Ahimbisibwe observes that although Article 78A guarantees one woman Member of Parliament per district, currently translating to about 146 women MPs, men still dominate Parliament, accounting for roughly 67 per cent compared to 33 per cent women.
While affirmative action has improved equality on paper, she says it has failed to achieve true equidentifiedjustices women have faced over the years. She calls for deliberate reforms to enhance inclusion, transparency, and equity in Uganda’s electoral processes.
Ahimbisibwe urges the Electoral Commission to accelerate preparations, stressing that delays in ballot design and limited public information could lower voter confidence. She further highlights gaps in political party manifestos, noting that many fail to address gender equality, youth inclusion, and the rights of vulnerable groups.
Clear, inclusive manifestos, she stresses, are essential for informed voting and accountability.
She also raises concerns about the accreditation of election observer groups, calling for transparent and timely processes to ensure effective monitoring. Her warnings underscore the need for accuracy, transparency, and inclusivity as Uganda heads toward high-stakes elections.
Furthermore, in a recent dialogue on electoral integrity and gender inclusion with Women Lens Africa, Ahimbisibwe highlighted persistent challenges women face in political participation and the need to integrate gender-responsive measures into election observation and voter education initiatives.
She underscores concerns over gender sensitivity in electoral processes, including threats, intimidation, and barriers that disproportionately affect women candidates and voters, stressing that election observers and stakeholders must adopt frameworks that centre women’s experiences to deter gender-based violence and discrimination.
“Women bring critical perspectives to democratic governance. Ensuring their full participation is not only a matter of fairness, but it is also essential to the credibility and legitimacy of our elections,” she notes.
She further emphasises that civil society organisations have a vital role to play in civic education, empowering women voters, and monitoring compliance with Uganda’s electoral laws and gender equality commitments.
Ahimbisibwe points to the need for broader representation of women-led and gender-focused organisations in planning and monitoring roles.
As Uganda prepares for a pivotal election cycle, the call from civil society leaders is clear: protecting and promoting women’s political participation demands targeted strategies that confront discrimination, intimidation, and gender-based electoral barriers.
James Acar of the Lango Civil Society Network highlights the exclusion of PWDs, noting that the failure to produce braille voter materials and tailored civic education reflects deep institutional neglect.
“Inclusion is not an afterthought. It must be planned from the beginning. Without braille ballots and accessible education, blind voters are effectively disenfranchised,” he says.
He warns that the exclusion of PWDs undermines the legitimacy of election outcomes, stressing that electoral stakeholders, including the Electoral Commission and partnering civil society groups, must collaborate more inclusively to ensure a level playing field.
Patricia Acheng, Executive Director of Wanacel Foundation and a former aspirant for Lira City Woman Member of Parliament, says fear remains widespread among voters and political actors alike.
“About 60 per cent of respondents in a recent engagement expressed fear of political intimidation and violence. People are afraid to speak openly, to mobilise, or even to attend political meetings,” she notes.
Acheng identifies Lira City as an emerging flashpoint, driven by intense competition involving politically powerful figures, including sitting ministers and incumbents with access to state resources.
“The stakes are extremely high. When power, money, and influence collide, ordinary citizens become the victims,” she warns.
Although civil society organisations are conducting voter education, Acheng says rural communities remain largely under-informed, with many citizens unaware of polling dates, voting procedures, or their rights.
Vulnerable groups, particularly the visually impaired, elderly voters, and first-time voters, are especially exposed to manipulation.
“Some people are completely green about these things, and political actors exploit that ignorance through misinformation, inducements, and threats,” Acheng observes.
The gaps in voter awareness are compounded by the absence of a national civic education policy, according to Nicholas Ogwang of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) Lango sub-region.
“Different organisations do civic education in their own way. There is no central coordination, no sustained funding, and no national standard,” he explained.
This fragmented approach, he argues, weakens the quality, reach, and consistency of voter education, especially in rural and hard-to-reach communities.
Ogwang urges the government to anchor civic education in a national framework aligned with international human rights standards and supported through the national budget.
He further reveals that a study by the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy identifiediediediediediedied Lira City, Oyam, Dokolo, and Apac as potential hotspots for election-related violence.
“These are areas where political competition intersects with poverty, historical grievances, and weak institutions,” he notes.
From Gulu, UHRC Regional Human Rights Officer Fionah Opoka says multi-stakeholder forums have been established to mitigate election-related risks.
“These forums bring together civil society, security agencies, cultural leaders, religious institutions, and political actors. They are meant to promote early warning, dialogue, and non-violent dispute resolution,” Opoka explains.
She stresses that elections are a cornerstone of democratic governance and that preventing violence before, during, and after elections must be a shared responsibility.
The Lango Cultural Institution has also raised concerns about rising intolerance and political hostility. Fourth Deputy Prime Minister George Ojwang Opota says the region’s political climate has been weakened by disunity, inflammatory rhetoric, and a culture of political hostility.
“Politics has shifted from service to confrontation. This is dangerous for a region that has already suffered conflict,” Opota notes.
He urges political leaders and opinion-shapers to respect cultural values of dialogue, restraint, and communal responsibility, noting that traditional institutions have historically played a role in calming tensions. “Our people want peace, dignity, and development, not violence,” he adds.
The Catholic Church has joined calls for restraint, with Rt. Rev. Sanctus Lino Wanok, Bishop of Lira Diocese, noted that genuine national transformation begins with the conversion of individual hearts.
“Christ changes people before changing systems,” the Bishop says, warning against lies, manipulation, hatred, and violence. He condemned vote-buying, exploitation of poverty, incitement, intimidation, and destruction of campaign materials, describing such acts as violations of human dignity.
He reaffirms the Church’s commitment to non-partisanship, stating that churches, schools, and health facilities must remain safe and neutral spaces.
Persons with disabilities remain among the most marginalised groups.
Aspirant councillor Juliet Awino Amwanga from Kwania district says women with disabilities face compounded discrimination.
“Many cannot even access government offices without humiliation,” she says, calling for reduced nomination fees, interpreters, and braille materials.
In Lira City East, Aisha Bint Abdul, an amputee and aspiring councillor, says money politics has locked out candidates with disabilities.
“Those with money dominate everything. People like us are pushed aside,” she observes.
From Apac, voter Apio Vera says many PWDs avoid voting altogether due to distance, poor roads, and lack of support.
The Electoral Commission acknowledges the challenges. In an exclusive interview with tndNews, EC Deputy Spokesperson Paul Bukenya says the Commission has reorganised polling stations to improve physical accessibility and introduced priority voting for PWDs, the elderly, and expectant mothers.
“We have also completed mapping of persons with disabilities in collaboration with the National Council for Persons with Disabilities and NUDIPU,” Bukenya explains.
However, he admits that braille voting remains unavailable due to financial constraints. “We operate within a limited budget. Inclusive elections require sustained investment, not last-minute interventions,” he says, adding that the EC continues to engage government and development partners.
NUDIPU CEO Esther Kyozira criticises political parties for failing to implement inclusion commitments.
“Disability leagues exist largely on paper. PWDs are mobilised during campaigns but forgotten afterwards,” she observed.
Rehabilitation Officer Agnes Nampeera acknowledges gaps but says the government is working toward implementing inclusive laws and policies. She calls for greater investment in accessible election materials and community mobilisation.
Security agencies say they are preparing to prevent election-related violence. North Kyoga Police spokesperson SP Patrick Jimmy Okema says police have activated rapid-response units, strengthened intelligence gathering, and intensified community policing through radio talk shows, barazas, and local engagements.
“We are mapping hotspots, engaging political actors, and deploying extra manpower to protect voters, candidates, and electoral materials,” Okema says.
However, civil society remains wary, citing Uganda’s history of security excesses and CSO suppression during election periods. In 2021, authorities suspended 54 NGOs, many involved in governance and voter education, a move widely criticised as politically motivated.
With 21.5 million registered voters, over 83,000 candidates, and more than 45,000 elective positions at stake, Uganda stands at a defining crossroads. Violent suspensions witnessed during recent NRM primaries in Lira, Isingiro, and Sembabule have reignited fears rooted in the country’s electoral history.
Civil society actors warn that without deliberate reforms, inclusive voter education, and professional, neutral security oversight, Uganda risks sliding once again into a cycle of intimidation, exclusion, and electoral violence.
As the 2026 elections approach, the question remains whether the warnings will be heeded or ignored, with the stakes encompassing not just political power but the very credibility and legitimacy of Uganda’s democratic institutions.
For civil society, faith leaders, and ordinary citizens, the imperative is clear: ensuring free, fair, and inclusive elections is not a mere procedural exercise, but a defining measure of the nation’s commitment to democracy, human rights, and equitable governance.
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