The 7 dogmas in Uganda’s governance

Dogma is not unique to government. It shows up in academia when “this theory cannot be questioned,” in religion when doctrine blocks inquiry, in business when “we have always done it this way,” and in politics when a party line replaces evidence. 

The danger is the same everywhere: Thinking stops altogether; no room for critical thinking and alternative analysis..

Critical thinking and critical reasoning build institutions that learn. Dogma builds institutions that repeat in a changing world. When dogma replaces questions, governance stops adapting.

And a government that stops adapting starts failing its people and increasingly serves the selfish interests of a few in power or connected to power. It may even start fighting identity and reason, arguing that identity and questioning are roadblocks to development, transformation and progress.

Seven dogmas shaping Uganda’s 12th Parliament

Like a river picking up sediment, Uganda’s governance is carrying seven dogmas that block critical reasoning:

The Dogma of Expansion: “Bigger cabinet = broader representation”. Article 113(2) caps cabinet at 21 + 21. Article 114(3) lets Parliament approve more. We’ve gone from 49 ministers in 2001 to 83 in 2026.

The unasked question: Does 83 deliver better health, education, and roads than 42? The wage bill balloons, but HC IIIs still lack drugs. Expansion is treated as sacred, so cost-benefit analysis never happens.

The dogma of loyalty: “Mobilisers and technocrats”  

President Museveni called it a “Cabinet of Fishermen” — leaders from humble backgrounds, “easier to lead” than “self-important intellectuals”. Loyalty and political mobilisation are the core qualifications.

The risk: Technical ministries like Energy, Finance, and ICT need expertise, not just mobilisation. Loyalty without competence turns ministries into campaign offices, not delivery units.

The dogma of stability: “Questioning = Destabilisation.”  

After MPs Namujju, Mutembuli and Akamba were arrested for alleged bribery, the warning went to all of Parliament: “I don’t want to hear corruption again”.

The dogma: Dissent threatens stability, so it must be silenced.

The cost: Oversight dies. If asking hard questions about budgets or loans brands you “anti-government”, committees approve everything.

Museveni himself warned: “If oversight bodies are corrupt, that is institutional suicide.” Dogma makes them silent instead.

The dogma of incumbency: “Political losers must stay in cabinet”

Judith Nabakooba lost the Mityana Woman MP in 2021 but was retained as Lands, Housing and Urban Development minister.

The dogma: Executive experience is too valuable to lose, even if voters said no.

The tension: It tells citizens their vote is advice, not authority. Accountability and representation are split apart.

The dogma of geography: “Every district deserves a minister” 

Kagadi delivered 87% of the votes to Museveni in 2026, yet got 0 ministers. Residents asked: “For four decades, Kagadi has remained without cabinet representation.”

The dogma: Cabinet must be a map — every district marked.

The problem: It reduces the cabinet to regional accounting, not national problem-solving. Districts without ministers feel neglected, even if the policy would serve them. Representation becomes symbolic, not substantive.

The dogma of the party: “NRM knows best”

When Parliament approved the 83-member cabinet, NRM’s majority overrode opposition objections in minutes. The justification: the party and chairman had decided.

The dogma: Party position = national interest.

The danger: Parliament stops deliberating and starts rubber-stamping. If the party is always right, debate is just a ceremony.

The dogma of security: “Security first, debate later  

From social media tax to NGO regulation to public order management, policy is defended as “necessary for security”.

The dogma: Security concerns override rights, transparency, and participation.

The effect: “Later” never arrives. The debate is postponed indefinitely because the threat is always present.

By Prof Oweyegha-Afunaduula | Centre for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis, Uganda


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